Anyone that has ever played the game – Jenga – or any other
“stacking” game appreciates the challenge, if not the risk, associated with
removing individual pieces of a constructed mass. If just a single piece is yanked out of the
construct, the entire design crashes down, leaving a mess of pieces, and
nothing resembling the original design.
Approaching its 4th anniversary, the Affordable Care Act
(ACA), or Obamacare, is gradually turning into a great big game of Jenga! Ironically, a law that was passed on a 100%
partisan, party-line basis is now being attacked directly and indirectly, from
both sides of the aisle, democrat and republican alike.
To date, a number of ACA provisions (or in Jenga terms –
pieces) have been delayed, repealed, or had legislation introduced in an effort
to change it somehow. Some examples
include: the employer mandate (delayed);
the individual mandate (legislation proposed); the CLASS Act (repealed); medical
device tax (legislation proposed); non-discrimination standards (delayed); minimum
loss ratio; 1099 provision (repealed); and now, the risk mitigation programs.
Sadly, if not frighteningly, the rationale for delaying, repealing, or
removing various provisions of the ACA now seem to be based less on making the
law better (or work), and more on
gaining political favor among the voting electorate. Again, this is happening on both sides of the
political aisle, and is dangerous at best, perilous at worst!
The latest ACA provisions coming under threat of removal by
way of congressional action are the “risk
mitigation” programs carefully embedded in the law. These elaborate risk mitigation programs – 1.
Risk Corridor; 2. Transitional Reinsurance; and 3. Risk Adjustment - were
designed to stabilize the dramatically revised health insurance marketplace,
particularly for the first three (3) years of the law’s rollout. The changes to our healthcare financing and
delivery sectors (whether you agree or disagree with the end product) brought
about by the ACA, required very careful and precise treatment of the elaborate
and decentralized insurance mechanisms in existence at the time.
It’s important to keep in mind that our U.S. healthcare
system is still based on a private marketplace, albeit with a very high degree
of government regulation. Any attempt to
improve, reform, or modify the system relies on the involvement and
participation of private sector, mostly for-profit companies. Accordingly, the risk mitigation programs
designed and included in the ACA were meant to address of number of critical
aspects:
- Provide the necessary
protections, if not confidence, to encourage as many insurers to remain in
the market and offer coverage as possible.
Insurance company actuaries had no historical basis with which to
calculate premiums in the post ACA era.
- Offset the elimination
of previous barriers to health insurance coverage, such as pre-existing
condition limitations, underwriting, and premium rate setting. These historical insurance techniques
allow insurers to offer generous insurance protection at reasonable rates. Without these and other historically
relied upon and used techniques, insurers needed carefully crafted ways to
continue offering coverage at reasonable rates.
- Limit resultant market
disruption which would lead to higher rates and fewer insured individuals…exactly
the opposite of the overall goal of the ACA.
- Keep the premium subsidies at reasonable and affordable levels, and avoid skyrocketing subsidy amounts tied directly to potentially escalating premiums.
My Jenga game analogy is by no means, meant to diminish the
potentially devastating effects of dismantling the ACA, piece by piece. Well intended or otherwise, efforts to pick
apart the ACA, piece by piece, provision by provision, will without question
lead to undesirable results. The old
saying – “be careful what you wish for” applies quite well here. With respect to risk mitigating programs,
these are neither new nor heretofore unseen.
Barely a decade ago, the Bush administration’s Part D Medicare Drug
program relied on a strikingly similar program, and like the ACA’s risk
corridor program, had a finite time frame associated with it (six years,
compared to the ACA risk corridor’s three).
There are a host of other private sector insurance programs that rely on
very similar, government collaborative risk stabilizing programs (e.g., flood
insurance, crop insurance, and terrorism risk coverage).
Those looking for more of a “return on investment” or ROI
rationale for leaving the ACA’s risk stabilizing programs intact might find the
Congressional Budget Office’s (CBO) recent report interesting. The CBO projects that under the risk corridor
program, participating insurers will pay in $16 billion, while the federal
government will pay out $8 billion. Not
a bad ROI. Ironically, the CBO projected
that the one year delay in the employer mandate (a previous ACA piece meal tweak)
would result in a loss of a little over $8 billion in lost fine revenue in 2014. I believe we just found a way to “clean up”
the mess left by this bit of incremental tinkering, by leaving the law alone!
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